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FEBRUARY 16, 2011 |
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By Matthew Continetti |
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COLD OPEN |
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Does CPAC have a Ron Paul problem? I refer to the Conservative Political Action Conference, the annual gathering of (mostly young) conservative activists in Washington D.C. For decades, CPAC has been the place to see major figures in the conservative movement and the GOP address the grassroots. If you want to be taken seriously as a Republican presidential candidate, you go to CPAC. This year's conference, according to organizers, was the largest yet.
One of the striking trends in recent conferences has been the influx of Ron Paul supporters. Paul's support tends to come from highly motivated young people reacting against the foreign and domestic excesses of the Bush administration. That administration is gone, of course, but the Ron Paul movement persists, and if anything it seems to have gathered steam: Kentucky's newest senator, for instance, is Ron Paul's son Rand. Last week Ron Paul won the CPAC presidential "straw poll" for the second year in a row. One leaves CPAC thinking that Ron Paul is the most important politician in the GOP and possibly one of the most popular politicians in the country.
Which is nonsense. Now, there's nothing wrong with supporting the Paul family or the version of libertarianism they've made famous. But perhaps the truest words of this year's CPAC came from—this is not a joke—Donald Trump, who told the crowd that Ron Paul may be a nice guy but he has no chance of becoming president.
There's no divine commandment instructing GOP presidential hopefuls to attend CPAC. And if the convention turns into a three-day rally for Ron Paul supporters who are hostile to other types of conservatives, mainstream Republicans may turn away. That would be bad for CPAC, for conservatism—and for Ron Paul. |
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LOOKING BACK |
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"Every significant rightward shift in modern American politics has followed from an insurrectionary assault on the Republican establishment. Ronald Reagan's 1976 primary challenge, animated by his rejection of the policy of détente, laid the groundwork for his triumph in 1980 and for his greatest achievement as president—American victory in the Cold War. Jack Kemp's challenge in the late 1970s to Republican economic orthodoxy became the other pillar of Reagan's 1980 presidential campaign and the source of his greatest domestic accomplishment—cutting tax rates and restoring the nation's economic health. And Newt Gingrich's rebellion against the budget deal of 1990 made it possible for Gingrich, after George Bush's defeat in 1992, to lead the GOP back to a Reaganite vision that inspired the watershed victory of 1994."
—William Kristol, "Time for an Insurrection," from our March 10, 1997, issue.
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FROM THE DESKTOP |
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Twenty-first century Reaganomics The Jews of San Nicandro How a joke helped topple Mubarak The "despised genre" of historical fiction Bill McClay explains Rush Limbaugh |
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QUOTE OF THE WEEK (SO FAR!) |
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"I sat beside [then-Tanzanian president Julius] Nyerere in the presidential box. He looked cool and elegant in a light gray bush suit. I felt clumsy and uncomfortable in my blue pinstriped diplomat's uniform. The parade reflected some of the training the Tanzanian army had received in Communist East Germany. Its precision was somewhat handicapped, however. The army's instruction in goose-stepping had obviously taken place when the soldiers wore Prussian-syle boots. Now the marchers were shod in indigenous African sandals. The result was that periodically a shoe would come off and fly into the air, forcing the hapless soldier to continue unshod for the rest of the way."
—Henry Kissinger, Years of Renewal (1999), p. 935. |
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LOOKING AHEAD |
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What to look for in upcoming issues of THE WEEKLY STANDARD? Lawyer Adam J. White will explain how environmental regulations interfere with creating "green jobs." Arnold Kling will give his thoughts on housing finance. And Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes will review a group of new books on Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. |
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PARTING SHOT |
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Speaking of CPAC, Mitch Daniels gave a fantastic dinner speech. His message was what you might expect: He labeled the public debt "the new Red Menace" and said all other concerns must be put aside in order to avert the coming fiscal crisis. What I found more important than his message, however, was his tone. Daniels was assured, tempered, and humorous. He spoke with great ease. He seemed at home under the spotlight and at the center of controversy. And he spoke with the purpose of an executive.
A crucial term in politics is "appropriateness." Loosely defined, appropriateness is the group of qualities in a public official that makes him seem presidential. I haven't followed Mitch Daniels closely. But when I watched his speech the other day, it seemed appropriate to envision him as commander in chief.
See you next week. And don't forget you can write me at editor@weeklystandard.com.
--Matthew Continetti

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